Transcript: "Jürgen Habermas'
[Wikipedia] first contribution to the thought of the Frankfurt School was The Structural Transformation of Public Sphere
[Wikipedia] written in 1962. In it Habermas describes the development of a public sphere of thought that developed height of the salons and coffee shops of 18th century Europe before the weakening of monarchical powers that culminated in the French Revolution public affairs were decided mostly at the Kings Court as a tugging and pulling developed between the Monarchs the church and the developing poor to our businessman those bourgeoisie slowly won rights and protections for their newly acquired property which in turn developed into arguments about free speech and a free press that guaranteed a space the public opinion the Ascension of the public sphere coincided with the emergence of liberal philosophical thought from thinkers like Hobbes Locke and Kant for Hamas the public sphere is a bourgeois public sphere though because it excludes the poor and the uneducated it only made sense if you had the money to absorb or to contribute to the sphere in a meaningful way but even so throughout the course of the early development of capitalism and classical liberalism the public sphere and the quality of debate that took place in places like the penny coffee houses of London was notably egalitarian Lively rational the growth in long-distance trading required news about those new places of trade and a need for public relationships between people that had a stake in that growth of trade the relationships were horizontal between people of roughly the same social status rather than vertical between noblemen and commoners war Kings and his subjects so initially the public sphere was a thriving and positive place Habermas believes though that in the 1830s a shift started to take place guided by the Industrial Revolution and the rise of consumerism taking a Hague alien dialectic view Habermas believes that liberalism sought to save itself from its own contradictions by making way for a welfare states for those that capitalism wasn't looking after while at the same time the increasing size of corporations and the developments from mass media meant the demarcation between the public and the private spheres became blurred the pure and authentic nature of the salons and coffee houses and the independence of local newspapers dissolved Habermas argues that initially literary journals moral weeklies the writings of the men of letters ran unprofitably as hobbyhorses of the money aristocracy but eventually got swallowed by and became unfeasible because of the growing power of the publishing industry in the year of the revolution in Paris every political or politically minded man of any worth started a club or journal in May of 1789 as many as four hundred and fifty clubs and two hundred journals sprang up across Paris but the emergence of an authoritarian state stifled this explosion of free speech and the growth of advertising coerced editors into curating content by profit and little more publishing companies became accountable to the whims of the stock market Habermas argues that this change had a pernicious effect on the public's affairs ability to accommodate rational debate and questions of politics and morality came to be guided by economic interests and the indifferent flow of capital classical liberalism became unstable and government intervention was required for the formation of a welfare states the regulation of business and the overseeing of mergers and monopolies Habermas thinks that this had an effect on recreating those vertical relationships seen under feudalism public debates became dictated by public relations as government's business and advertising turn to psychology to influence the public with emotive ad campaigns advertising psychology has more to do with the emotive relationship of Lourdes over the serf than it should under a democratic thinking society the public sphere became less horizontal less of a rational critical environment for incubating ideas and became an area more heavily influenced by a hierarchical and bureaucratic system a good example of this is the way mass media operates in a single vertical direction there's no interaction between readers and editors the medium is simply consumed but a bomb-ass still has hope for the public sphere and highlights it has a fundamental mechanism of democracy a sphere that's the basis of democratic debate equality and rationality."
https://www.youtube.com/embed/R1K46oK3xTU?start=30&end=359
Quote: Jürgen "Habermas argues that a bourgeois (middle-class) public sphere of intellectuals that helped to supplant medieval aristocracies and served an important political function in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries in countries such as Britain, France and Germany has become obsolete during the phase of late modernity or advanced capitalism" (Laughey, 2007, p.48).
Quote: Jürgen Habermas describes the 'public sphere' as a "network for communicating information and points of view (i.e., opinions expressing affirmative or negative attitudes)" (Habermas, J. r., 1996, p.360).
Criticism: While the theory is significant, its failure to account for broader cultural perspectives marks it out as being somewhat Eurocentric (Gunaratne, S. A., 2006). The notion of 'subaltern counterpublics' offers an alternative conceptualisation. Ioannis Kampourakis describes this phenomenon as: "discursive arenas that develop in parallel to the official public spheres and 'where members of subordinated social groups invent and circulate counter discourses to formulate oppositional interpretations of their identities, interests, and needs'. Nancy Fraser, coining the term from Gayatri Spivak’s 'subaltern' and Rita Felski’s 'counterpublic', argues that counterpublics are formed as a response to the exclusions of the dominant publics and that their existence better promotes the ideal of participatory parity" (Kampourakis, I., 2016).
Related: (certainly Eurocentric and likely, very much 'gendered' i.e patriarchal) "Spend three days rummaging through the chaotic, sprawling, sordid pit of information contained in the Epstein files, and you learn valuable lessons about how this modern global patriarchy operates: through flattery, the exchange of favours and occasional curt reminders of who owes what to whom.
For women, these files offer an unprecedented chance to eavesdrop on conversations from which they are usually excluded. They provide salutary insights into what a set of distinguished global figures think and say about women when they assume the women aren’t listening.
There are two groups of people in the Epstein files. The men: the billionaires, the tech entrepreneurs, the bankers, statespeople, politicians, leaders, people who need to be cultivated because they offer Epstein ways to strengthen his network of influence. And the women, who exist as insignificant plus-ones, or as people to whom he doles out money because they are providing him with services. Women feature as objects to be looked at and improved – teeth seen to, weight lost, STDs treated, features fixed. ('You might want to see a doctor about reducing the nose a little before you turn 23,' Epstein suggests to an unnamed woman in July 2017.) The emails show that Epstein is often irritated by the women" (Gentleman, A., 2026).
Quote: "Habermas sees the modern public sphere as, in many ways, the victim of its own success. As it expanded far beyond its original basis of educated male property-owners, material inequalities could no longer be set aside, but rather became the subject of public debate (1962 [1989: 127]). And this debate was no longer a matter of rational-critical analysis of state action by the assembled public, but of negotiation between interest groups which bypass public reason. Instead of the approximation of society to the ideal type, what emerged was an impoverished pseudo-public sphere, lacking its original capacity for rational-critical discourse, easily manipulated by states, corporations, and interest groups using the techniques of 'public relations' (1962 [1989: 176, 236]). Its role now, as in the feudal era, is to acclaim decisions which have already been made."
[encyclopædia]
Quote: "The third major adjustment that media democratic theory needs to make is to take account of the development of organised democracy. When press theory was elaborated in the mid-nineteenth century, it was commonplace to think of the press as the sole intermediary between governed and governed, the latter conceived as an aggregation of individuals. For example, when in 1841 Thomas Carlyle famously dubbed the press the 'Fourth Estate', he made no reference to intermediary agencies between lawmakers and the people apart from the press.
This convention has persisted in a surprising amount of scholarly commentary about journalism, especially in America, where it is not uncommon for a simple image of government, media and the public to be invoked. It is also embedded in the objectivity tradition of journalism, informing its understanding of how the newspaper should be organised. In this canon, impartial news briefs the individual citizen; view-based features provide a forum of debate shaping public opinion; and, in some versions, the editorial represents public opinion to government. The objectivity tradition also holds that the newspaper (and television channel) should sever all connection to sectional groups in order for its news to be impartial, its debate open and free and its allegiance to the general public unqualified. This conception is contrasted with debased forms of journalism, in which reporting is partisan and propagandistic and media discussion is distorted by predetermined agendas. The US, the home of objective journalism, is contrasted with more benighted countries where advocacy journalism prevails and where the media manipulate rather than empower the public" (Curran, J., 2011, p.78).
Transcript: "If we are to be rescued from global anarchy the city may turn out to be the agent of our salvation; that at least is the argument I want to try to make. The foremost challenge we face today is to establish institutions capable of addressing the multiplying cross-border problems of an interdependent world without surrendering democracy. To save ourselves from both anarchic and monopolistic forms of globalisation and to do that we need global democratic bodies that actually work. Nation-states have made little progress towards this kind of global governance. Too inclined by their nature to rival reaching mutual exclusion they seem went essentially indisposed to cooperation and incapable of establishing global common goods. Moreover and this is a challenge for us democracy is locked in the tight embrace of nation-states and there seems little chance either for democratising globalisation or for globalising democracy. As long as the flourishing of democracy depends on the survival and flourishing of warring nation states so what then can we do the path forward lies before us obvious but unchartered. Why not let city is the most networked and interconnected of our political associations defined above all by collaboration and pragmatism by creativity and multi-culture let's cities do what states cannot. If as Edward Glaeser has written in his new book about cities the strength that comes from human collaboration is the central truth behind civilisations success and the primary reason why cities exist both Glaser's right then surely cities can and should govern globally?" (Barber, B., 2012).
https://www.youtube.com/embed/Um-pfPMzq0s?start=699
Related: 'epistemic homogeneity' and 'epistemic democracy'
[Wikipedia]
Bibliography: Laughey, D., 2007. 'Key Themes in Media Theory'. Maidenhead: McGraw-Hill.
[pdf]
Curran, J. (2011). 'Media and democracy'. Oxford, Routledge.
[pdf]
Habermas, J. (1992). 'The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere'. Polity Press.
[pdf]
Litsangou, P., Elmer, G., Langlois, G., & McKelvey, F. (2015). 'The Permanent Campaign, New Media, New Politics'. Transatlantica, 2.
[academic source] [pdf]
Singh, M. N. (2012). "Jurgen Habermas' Notion of The Public Sphere: A Perspective on The Conceptual Transformations in His Thought". The Indian Journal of Political Science, 73(4), 633-642.
[academic source]
Habermas, J. r. (1996). 'Between Facts and Norms: Contributions to a Discourse Theory of Law and Democracy' (W. Rehg, Trans.). MIT Press.
Gunaratne, S. A. (2006). 'Public Sphere and Communicative Rationality: Interrogating Habermas's Eurocentrism'. Journalism & Communication Monographs, 8(2), 93-156.
[academic source]
Barber, B. (2012). "If Mayors Ruled the World", Long Now's Seminar Series, San Francisco.
https://longnow.org/talks/02012-barber/
Addae, P., & Danquah, S. (2024). 'Brixton as a Locale of Subaltern Counter-Public Spheres'.
[pdf] https://centric.org.uk/blog/health-activism-in-brixton/
Kampourakis, I. (2016). "Nancy Fraser: Subaltern Counterpublics." Critical legal thinking.
[academic source]
Gentleman, A. (2026, February 7). 'Sex and snacks, but no seat at the table: the role of women in Epstein’s sordid men’s club'. The Guardian; The Guardian.
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/ng-interactive/2026/feb/07/sex-and-snacks-but-no-seat-at-the-table-the-role-of-women-in-epsteins-sordid-mens-club